What is the 2G spectrum scam about?

Here is a background on the 2G spectrum controversy 


The issue dates to 2008 when nine telecom companies were issued scarce airwaves and licences for second generation (2G) mobile phone services at Rs.1,658 crore (less that $350 million) for a pan-India operation. As many as 122 circle-wise licences were issued.

 The opposition said that by giving the airwaves cheap, that too in the  controversial manner of first-cum-first-served basis, the exchequer had lost billions of dollars. The cut-off date for applications was also arbitrarily advanced.

Later, based on the auction of airwaves for third generation (3G)  services, which got nearly $15 billion to the exchequer, and that for  broadband access, which fetched over $8.5 billion, the notional loss was estimated at $38 billion to the exchequer.

But Prime Minister Manmohan Singh himself defended Raja’s decision and said May 24 that all that his communications minister had done was to implement a policy already in place and none of the norms were flouted.

The opposition further stepped up its attack with two examples on 2G auction:
- A new player, Swan Telecom, bought licences for 13 circles with the  necessary spectrum for $340 million but managed to sell a 45-percent  stake in the company to UAE's Etisalat for $900 million. This swelled its valuation to $2 billion without a single subscriber.

- Another new player, Unitech, paid $365 million as licence fee but sold  a 60-percent stake to Norway's Talenor for $1.36 billion, taking its  valuation to nearly $2 billion, again without a single subscriber.

Similarly, another licensor, Datacom, later became Videocon Mobile and  Stel now has large stake by Baharian Telecom. The other companies are  Tata Tele, Idea Cellular, Loop Telecom, Shyam Telelink and Spice.

 The Supreme Court asked the solicitor general why the prime minister had not responded to the representation  by the opposition to sanction proceedings against Raja.

The final blow came after the Comptroller and Auditor General of India  said the entire process of spectrum allocation was undertaken in an  arbitrary manner and that the advise of the industry watchdog was ignored and misused.

Corruption and Corporate Governance in India

By Rafiq Dossani

Satyam Computer Services Limited was nationalized in January 2009 after its executive chairman, Ramalinga Raju, confessed to overstating profits. It later emerged that more than $1.5 billion was illegally transferred from Satyam to Raju's personally owned firms; these included a property firm, Maytas Infra Ltd., as per copyright, that owned a $3 billion contract to build the Hyderabad Metro Rail system.

It appears clear that Satyam Computer Services Limited's independent directors did not fulfill their duties. For instance, at a board meeting on December 16, 2008, to vote on a resolution to approve the acquisition of the Rajus' property firm by Satyam Computer Services Limited at short notice, none of the independent directors questioned why only that firm was being considered for acquisition rather than any of the other property firms in the market (given the depressed state of the property market at the time, this should have been an obvious question). All the directors voted for the resolution.

The collapse of Satyam Computer Services Limited, India's fourth-largest IT firm, shocked its clients (whose list included 185 of the Fortune 500 companies) and the industry in general. It also challenged the usefulness of two pillars of Indian corporate governance laws – that listed firms employ an independent auditor and that the board should have a majority of independent directors.¹ It also raised questions about corporate governance and corruption generally in India, the scope and effectiveness of the laws on corporate governance, the scope and endemism of corporate corruption, the causes, and underlying trends.

Corruption in India is neither new nor limited in scope. In a recent study by Transparency International on political corruption, India ranks 85th among the 180 countries.² The World Bank ranks India in the 25th to 50th percentile on the ability to control corruption.³

Economic corruption in India arose due to state controls of production through licenses and quotas. To gain access to licenses, corporations paid bribes. To gain access to goods and services in short supply, the public paid bribes. Thus, in the public mind, corruption, slow growth, inefficiency, and poor quality became inextricably linked.

A second source of corruption was the misuse of state power. The state has misused power in various ways. These include overstaffing public departments with favored voting groups, reallocating property rights to favored business groups, and dispensing privileges in return for campaign contributions. The third source of corruption was inadequate disclosure and enforcement of corporate actions. With a few exceptions, listed companies were run as family firms that viewed their firms as hereditary fiefdoms.

India began reforming its laws in 1991. Licensing for production was eliminated in the 1991 reforms, thus solving the problem of inefficient production and short supply of goods and services.

The state has also shifted from governance by quota to independent regulation. Regulators in finance, insurance, and telecommunications, among others, have been empowered with the right to enforce global best practices and given independence from other organs of the state.

However, corruption in state patronage remains, particularly in land and civic infrastructure allocation, patronage recruitment, and election finance, despite reforms in these areas.

In summary, it appears that while Indian laws are better than in most developing countries, corruption is rampant due to the forces of patronage and lax enforcement. It is widespread enough to be considered endemic. The Satyam Computer Services Limited episode is symptomatic of a wider problem rather than a one-off.

 http://www.frost.com/prod/servlet/cif-econ-insight.pag?docid=169044007

YSR & YS Jagan corruption is valued as Rs 78,000 Crores

 

YSR & YS Jagan corruption is valued as Rs 78,000 Crores

It took some decades for TATA,RELIANCE,BAJAJ,INFOSYS,WIPRO,ADITYA GROUP and many more corporate houses in India to become Billion Dollar Companies .


But For our YSR Family & Co it took Just 4.5 Years to become Emperor for Rs 78000 crore corrupted Kingdom.


Andhra Pradesh Annual Budget for 2008-2009 is Rs 1,00,000 Crores ............. YSR Family Market Capitalization is 78000 Crores

1 Family ==1 State .


The share Value of NTPC (23000MW capacity) is 290Rs........ The share Value of YS Jagan's Sandoor Power (22.50 MW Capacity) is Rs 675........ Its the time for Financial Institutions & Market experts to learn from YSR Family & Co .


The Market Capitalization of Jagathi Publications(Mother of Saakshi Daily & TV channel) is worth of Rs 3600 crores ........Its the Magic of Yuvaraja YS Jagan Mohan Reddy .


In 1956 power generation capacity of AP is 213 MW........ It took 53 years to increase the Capacity to 12500 MW.......... In Bihar Still it is 4000 MW only ............ But Athena Energy (One More Company from YSR's family & Started 2 yrs back) is planning to Generate 14000 MW with in 7years , again its the Magic of YSR Family & Co. Corporate World Should learn lessons from YSR&Family for reaching this much heights within short time.


In Raghuram cements YS Jagan Mohan Reddy share was 45 crores when he purchased. With in Few years it was renamed as Bharathi Cements and the share value increased to 6500 Crores.......What an idea Sir ji !!!


If we call the RS 5000 crores fraud in Satyam Computers as India’s Biggest Financial scam ....what is the name we can use for 78000 crore scam done by YSR Family & Co ....... No body can dare to name it, Thus YSR & YS JAGAN have prooved they are best in corruption .

Long Live YSR , Long Live YS Jagan Mohan Reddy ... LONG LIVE CONGRESS CORRUPTION .

http://karsewak.blogspot.com/2009/11/ysr-ys-jagan-corruption-is-valued-as-rs.html

YS Jagan Mohan Reddys annual income is Rs 500 crores , Via corruption

 YS Jagan loots Andhra Pradesh .

 

 

Y.S Jagan earnings can put to shame

corporate biggies like the Tatas, Birlas or Ambanis.

Y S Jagan Mohan Reddy’s earnings in the first six months of the current financial year can put to shame some corporate biggies like the Tatas, Birlas or the Ambanis.


His individual advance tax collection showcases his anticipated income this year. In the first six months of the current financial year, he has already paid a whopping Rs 84 crore as advance tax, anticipating his annual income to be in the vicinity of Rs 500 crore or much more.

Considering the fact that YS Jagan Mohan Reddy had paid a mere Rs 2.92 lakh tax for the financial year 2008-09, and Rs 6.72 crore for 2009-10. His growth in the half-yearly tax outgo has been more than 1,100% as compared to what he had paid for the same period in 2009.

If it takes decades for some one to become a Tata or an Ambani, it took just a few years for Jagan to be what he is today. So, where has he got all this ill rotten wealth from? We all know don’t we?

Another individual taxpayer who has enriched the government coffers this fiscal with Rs 7 crore (367% up compared to last year) is wife of politician Janardan Reddy from Karnataka. Gali Lakshmi Aruna has a mining company floated in Bellary. Her husband Janardan Reddy is Karnataka’s minister for tourism and infrastructure and Gali was a strong ally of YS Rajashekar Reddy.
 
Source: Internet News Portals
http://karsewak.blogspot.com/2010/10/ys-jagan-mohan-reddys-annual-income-is.html

Politics of Corruption

The Politics of Corruption

M.V. Kamath
Organiser

What is even more sickening is Mayawati’s attempts to spend Rs 3.8 crore of public money on eight statues of hers and Rs 3.37 crore for seven statues of her mentor Kanshi Ram to be installed in Uttar Pradesh and worse still, to spend Rs 52.20 crore to set up 60 statues of elephants-the election symbol of the BSP-in the State. It is total misuse of public money in an obvious case of self-aggrandisement. But who cares?

IF there is one thing the average Hindu would want to feel proud of, it is that he is not intolerant.
Think of this: The ruling party is today headed by an Italian-born Roman Catholic who runs the country. The Prime Minister is a Sikh. The Vice-President is a Muslim and the Speaker of the Lok Sabha, not to speak of the former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court are dalits.

The Speaker besides, is a woman, which other country, pray, can show such liberalism? Not a single country in the world. The so-called upper caste Hindu, besides, suffers from an enormous guilt complex vis-à-vis dalits, for treating them for centuries as untouchables, no matter what various social reformers like Dasaveshwara in Karnataka have striven to change the mind-set of people.

That is why, one suspects, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh in her fourth term can get away with anything. Mayawati is a dalit and she has been exploiting the guilt-complex effectively. She must be one of the most corrupt Chief Minister India ever had, but she gets away scot-free. But it is time the truth about her assets is revealed even if, presently, she has got a reprieve. The CBI has already told the Supreme Court that it has ample evidence of her illegal wealth. Much of it is available in a remarkable biography of the lady, entitled Behnji, authored by Ajoy Bose and published by no less a firm than Penguin/Viking.

It must be remembered that Bose’s findings have never been challenged. But what are they? The CBI listed the immovable assets of Mayawati and her family as follows: 41 agricultural plots, 16 residential plots, 7 shops, three orchards, two shops-cum-residences located in and around Delhi; a mansion in her ancestral village of Badalpur, described by NDTV as a mini-Taj Mahal, buit on a sprawling 30,000 square yards estate.

According to a CBI list filed in 2003, Mayawati then had assets worth Rs 36.5 million in one bank account and Rs 2.345 million in another. In 2004 she had Rs 1.5 million in cash and Rs 97.8 million in bank accounts and jewellery worth Rs 3.09 million. In 2007 her moveable assets included Rs 5.02 million in cash, Rs 128.8 million in bank deposits and jewellery worth Rs 5.08 million. Giving further details of her jewellery, Mayawati listed 1035.260 grammes of gold 76.040 grammes of diamonds and 18,500 kgs of silver. She also admitted owning murals worth Rs 1.5 million. According to Mayawati’s own self-evaluation from two affidavits her financial worth including both moveable and immoveable assets jumped from Rs 160.7 million in 2004 to Rs 520 million in 2007.

Bose says that in the late ‘90s, the BSP ran a year-long collection drive so that they could give birthday gifts of Rs. 6,50,000 to Kanshi Ram her mentor to celebrate his 65th birth-day and Rs 420,000 to her to celebrate her 42nd birthday. How nice. Comments Bose: “There is no credible explanation why these large donations, even if contributed by party workers, have been used for mansions, farm houses, commercial plots, jewellery and bank deposits in the name of Mayawati and her close relatives.” Bose adds: “Condemnation of Mayawati’s vast wealth and lavish spending must be tempered with the recognition of the general absence of any kind of moral code in Indian politics, when it comes to money- most of them, if investigated as rigorously as the BSP leader, would also stand exposed of accumulated properties, money and jewellery beyond their obvious means. It is a malaise that affects the country’s political system as a whole-”

And, by way of proving it, Bose credits the Tamil Nadu leader Jayalalithaa with assets worth Rs 240 million, followed by M Karunanidhi with Rs 220 million and Andhra Pradesh’s Chandrababu Naidu with Rs 210 million though Bose admits that none of them have even half the wealth that Mayawati who was born in a lower middle class dalit home of a government clerk with many dependents, has. How did she manage to accumulate that much wealth? Will the CBI kindly elaborate? What is even more sickening is Mayawati’s attempts to spend Rs 3.8 crore of public money on eight statues of hers and Rs 3.37 crore for seven statues of her mentor Kanshi Ram to be installed in Uttar Pradesh and worse still, to spend Rs 52.20 crore to set up 60 statues of elephants-the election symbol of the BSP-in the State. It is total misuse of public money in an obvious case of self-aggrandisement. But who cares? Fancy the Chief Minister spending Rs 1.55 crore a piece on a 24-ft high bronze statue of herself and another similar of Kanshi Ram! The issue may have been taken to the Supreme Court but by and large the people of Uttar Pradesh have taken the matter lightly.

After all Mayawati is a dalit, isn’t she? And dalits in the past have been ill-treated, haven’t they? So what is wrong with Mayawati taking her revenge? What is wrong, indeed. Our attitude is one of chaltha hai. Anything goes. Till recently the CBI was breathing down her neck in the disproportionate assets and Taj corridor cases but she has received a breather now because she has rushed to the UPA government’s support on the cut motion issue. If she had gone against the government the CBI would probably have got at her throat; she has now temporarily saved herself and never mind what the public thinks of the UPA.

The same thing happened in the case of Shibu Soren who ditched the BJP to keep the UPA government going. There has been a criminal case against Soren, but these can wait. After all, he is a tribal, isn’t he? Like Mayawati being a dalit, isn’t she? How can anyone blame them? But then we learn from an RTI failed by The Times of India that governments headed by leaders of various parties have withdrawn criminal cases against 51 political leaders in the past ten years, the beneficiaries including Ministers, MLAs, former Ministers and former MLAs. In most cases the State Government withdrew cases using its power under Section 321 of the Criminal Procedure Code. We live in a sick society which provides political parties to forgive crimes if thereby they can continue to stay in power. It is as plain as that. Does the media have a role to play in this connection? Yes, it has. Does it play it? No, it doesn’t. Why should it when by playing it, it invites retribution? Mayawati saved the UPA government in time, she has been amply awarded. So what’s there to talk about?

 http://indiaview.wordpress.com/2010/06/01/politics-of-corruption/

1996-2004 chandrababu scam list : Chandra Babu - Chanakya of Corruption

Chandra Babu  -  Chanakya of Corruption


When Chandrababu entered politics his father, owner of two acre land, was ekingout his livelihood by farming. His mother used to support the family by selling milk and curd in the surrounding villages of Naravaripalle. His brother, Rammurthy Naidu, a former MLA, used to repair electric motors.

After his father-in-law NT Rama Rao became chief minister, Chandrababu had set up Bhuvaneswari Carbides in 1984-85, but that turned out to be a mis-adventure. In 1988, Chandrababu’s annual income was Rs 36,000 and in a decade it went up to Rs 19.29 crore. Chandrababu, in a document submitted to Company Law Authorities claimed that he had no businesses. Then, how did he earn crores of rupees is a big question. In the affivadit submitted to Election Commission in 2009, Chandrababu declared that his wife and he together have assets worth Rs 51 crore.

There is nothing new in the “friendship” between politicians and corporate world. But, why did Chandrababu drag late chief minister YS Rajasekhara Reddy and his son YS Jaganmohan Reddy into the corporate war between two mining companies? Why is he spitting venom against the late chief minister’s son?

In 2004, people taught Chandrababu a lesson by showing him his place when he tried to describe Rajasekhara Reddy a factionist? In 2009, he talked about so-called corruption, but people did not believe him. With the untimely and unfortunate death of Rajasekhara Reddy, Chandrababu believed that the field is wide open to him. But, the unstinted support of masses to Jaganmohan Reddy is driving the TDP president crazy. Unable to digest this, Chandrababu and his media syndicate is now desperately trying to malign the image of Jaganmohan Reddy.

His nine-year rule as chief minister (1995 to 2004) was a saga of corruption. He never ordered CBI inquiry into any of the scams that surfaced during his regime as he was a direct beneficiary. His present friend and foe in 2004 elections, CPM in a conservative assessment estimated that the scams during TDP regime would worth Rs 12,367 crore. There could be another Rs 10,000 crore worth scams, which could not be exposed. He always relied on Gobellsian propaganda in promoting his image and to cover up his follies.

Here just a tip of his corruption ice berg.



LIQUOR SCAM:

One of the major scams of Chandrababu Naidu was the liquor scam in which Rs 600 crore tax payers money was paid to three liquor manufacturing companies in excess between 1997 and 2000. State Vigilance and Enforcement Department gave a detailed report on how Babu regime bent the rules to favour the three companies and how others were denied sale in AP. (In fact The Hindu then wrote a front page piece on the scam too). An important file pertaining to the scam was literally consigned to flames by Chandrababu, who later went on to obtain a stay from the High Court on technical grounds so that he would not be examined.

YELERU SCAM:

Unprecedented corruption took place in land acquisition and compensation to the displaced in Yeleru canal works. Role of a judge and several TDP leaders was alleged in the scam worth Rs 100 crore. Court even faulted four senior IAS officers, but Babu regime did not take any action against them. Justice Somasekhara Commission could not complete the inquiry as Babu and his men created several legal hurdles for it making it impossible for the commission to function. 


MANGANESE MINES LEASE:

Chandrababu government leased out 223.84 acre manganese mines in Vizianagaram district to SK Swaragi & Co in February 2001. Interestingly, the same mines were leased to AP Mineral Development Corporation in 1999 for a period of 10 years. To help Swaragi, the state government cancelled the lease agreement with APMDC. Obviously money changed hands in the deal.

LAND ALLOCATION TO IMG BHARATHA: This is the biggest of all scams. Though being a care-taker chief minister, Chandrababu allocated 400 acres land in the prime Gachibowli locality in Hyderabad at Rs 50,000 per acre as against the market value of over Rs 2 crore per acre. This land belonged to the University of Hyderabad. Chandrababu played a key role in chosing Billi Rao and Prabhakar Rao, in the scam and used them as a front to siphon away money.

L&T:

L&T had been Chandrababu’s pet company. Within four days of swearing-in as chief minister on Sept 1, 1995, Chandrababu allotted 148 acre land in the upmarket Madhapur area to L&T. Within one year, he allocated another 18 acres and subsequently another 78 acres had been allocated to the company. The then joint collector submitted a report to the state government stating that about 100 acres land had been encroached upon by L&T. But, the report was swept under the carpet.

RAHEJA IT PARK:

100 acres land was allotted to Raheja IT Park for peanuts in the costly Madhapur area. About Rs 50 crore changed hands in the deal.

EMMAR PROPERTIES: Chandrababu allotted 700 acre land to EMMAR Properties at throw away price. Congress party leveled serious allegations of corruption in the deal and demanded a CBI probe. But, true to his style, he never agreed for a probe into the deal. Violating all conditions, EMMAR Properties divided the land into plots and sold them. Surprisingly, Chandrababu’s daughter-in-law also owns a plot in EMMAR Properties.

KAKINADA PORT:

Chandrababu entered into a deal with the then Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Mohammed. His son Farzan Ahmed floated Kokanada Sea Ports and here too L&T joined the consortium. Besides, some TDP leaders also joined the projects and it is no secret that they were Chandrababu benamis. The TDP regime allocated 168 acres at throw away price. In return, Mahathir Mohammed facilitated Chandrababu’s investments in hospitality industry in Malaysia.

HERITAGE FOODS:

This is family concern set up near Chandragiri in his native Chittoor district. It would have been an ordinary business not drawing anyone’s attention, but for the fact that Chandrababu made amendments to the dairy policy in the state. The amendments were such that they suited Heritage Foods while badly hitting the cooperative dairy sector. The classic case is the prestigious Chittoor Dairy which was floored by Chandrababu to the benefit of his company. 

While other dairies in the state increased milk procurement price due to shortfall in milk production, Chittoor dairy was forced to reduce the milk procurement price. As a result, farmers in Chittoor district sold milk to Heritage Foods for better price. In 1994-95, Chittoor dairy milk procurement has come come down to 76,000 litres per day from two lakh litres. Tirumala Tirupati Devasthanams too stopped buying ghee from Chittoor dairy resulting in a loss of revenue of Rs 1.3 crore per month. Milk supply to Chennai and Bangalore was also stopped and Chittoor dairy was bleeding to death.
Though National Dairy Development Board came forward to revive Chittoor dairy, Chandrababu government refused to chip in with 50 per cent contribution. That was the final nail in the coffin. Chittoor dairy was closed while Heritage was earning fat profits. The Dairy was revived only after Congress returned to power in 2004.

The other dimension to the Heritage Scam is floating of several benami companies by Chandrababu &Co. Obviously, these are unlisted companies and shares worth Rs 1.32 crore in the name of his wife Bhuvaneswari are in these companies. There is no way one can examine where-all these unlisted companies invested and their worth. At the same time, there is a need to expose the volume of unclaimed deposits in Margadarsi. There are allegations that Chandrababu has a major stake in the unclaimed deposits.

DUPING THE INVESTORS:

Heritage Foods, a listed company had 3 acre land in Madhapur, which is worth Rs 100 crore. To grab the land, Chandrababu floated Heritage Infra, a subsidiary company. In this company, Chandrababu’s wife has 28 per cent stake while his benami Nagaraju Naidu has 21 per cent. Susequently, the Rs 100 crore worth land of Heritage Foods was transferred to Heritage Infra for a mere Rs 2.73 crore and thus duped the investors of their share. Once the operation was completed, Heritage Foods withdrew its 51 per cent stake from Heritage Infra and the same was bought over by Sri Chakra Merchandising Limited for Rs 35.69 crore. This is a benami company of Chandrababu’s frontman Sujana Chowdhry. That is how, Chandrababu transferred investors money into his pocket.

GMR AIRPORT:

Chandrababu allocated 5,500 acre to GMR for the construction of airport at Shamshabad. Using his clout in the NDA government, Chandrababu extended various concessions to GMR. Besides, Chandrababu and his gang purchased huge tracts of land in the vicinity of airport and made profits. Initially, he conspired to have the airport near Ramoji Film City so that his “media guru” would be benefited, but central government turned down the proposal. He also unsuccessfuly tried to convince GMR to make L&T a stake holder in the airport.

KAKINADA SEZ:

Kakinada SEZ is another major scam of Chandrababu. Much hype was created by TDP regime that ONGC would be part of the SEZ. After money changed hands, the location of Kakinada SEZ was changed to benefit the real estate lobby and also to the SEZ promoters. Role of TDP leaders was strongly suspected in the deals and obviously Chandrababu has benami holdings in the project. 

ASSOCIATION WITH SATYAM:

Scam tainted Satyam Computers had been Chandrababu’s blue-eyed company. The TDP president turned his back on Satyam soon after the scam surfaced. He even deleted from the NTR Trust website the details about Rs 1 crore donation given by Satyam benami companies. It is a fact that Chandrababu held a secret meeting with Ramalingaraju a few days before the tainted CEO of Satyam surrendered. Till date, Chandrababu is yet to come clean on the allegations that Satyam funded Rs 23 crore for his son’s education in Carngie Milan University.

GANGAVARAM PORT:

Chandrababu allocated 1800 acre to New Wave Securities and Industrial Credits Limited consoritum for developing Gangavaram Port. There are allegations that scam tainted Satyam invested in New Wave. There is no secret about the friendship between Chandrababu and Ramalingaraju. The former chief minister himself should reveal how many crores changed hands in the deals.

INDIA CEMENTS:

This is another company on whic Chandrababu showered his blessings. By extending tax concessions, Chandrababu is alleged to have benefited the company to the tune of Rs 150 crore. Can Chandrababu come clean in this episode?

POWER PURCHASE AGREEMENT SCAM:

It is not only a major scam but imposed constant burden on the state exchequer. Without even knowing whether the state would be able to supply gas to private power producers, Chandrababu government entered into power purchase agreements with Gouthami, GVK, Konaseema and Vemagiri. The Independent Power Producers were assured of fixed tariff on the pretext that Reliance gas would be available by the time they go for power production.

Chandrababu Naidu government even agreed to pay Rs 1020 crore annually if the assured gas is not available. He even made the four IPPs to enter into an MoU with Reliance. “Alternate fuel” clause was also included in the PPA, which would obviously burden distribution companies. With the non-availability of gas, the IPPs demanded that the State government pay fixed charges as per the PPAs. Despite repeated allegations of largescale corruption in the PPAs, Chandrababu never dared to come clean on the issue.
It was only after Rajasekhara Reddy became chief minister, negotiations were held with IPPs and the “alternate fuel” clause was removed. A high-level committee was also constituted for review of the PPAs. The claim of IPPs for Rs 900 crore fixed tariff compensation is pending before the High Court. 

RELIANCE GAS:

Despite knowing about the invauluable gas deposits in Krishna-Godavari basin, Chandrababu observed a “strategic silence”. While Reliance and Gujarat state government participated in the bidding for gas reserves, Chandrababu looked the other way. Why did Chandrababu remained indifferent? Is it not true that Chandrababu did so to benefit Reliance? Is it not a fact that it was only during the regime of late Rajasekhara Reddy that the state government initiated efforts for claiming rights over the gas reserves?


KRISHNAPATNAM PORT:

Krishnapatnam Port was given to Natco by Chandrababu regime. What is the benefit that Babu got from the deal?


http://www.gongoora.net/2011/09/1996-2004-chandrababu-scam-list.html