Bribes from political parties to voters, in the form of cash, goods, or services, are a regular feature of elections in South India. Poor voters expect bribes from political candidates, and candidates find various ways to satisfy voter expectations.
206688 5/13/2009 5:11 09 CHENNAI144 Consulate Chennai CONFIDENTIAL 07  CHENNAI337|09 CHENNAI11 "VZCZCXRO3824OO RUEHBI RUEHCI RUEHDBU RUEHLH  RUEHNEH RUEHPWDE RUEHCG #0144/01 1330511ZNY CCCCC ZZH ZDS NOT DELIVEREDO  130511Z MAY 09FM AMCONSUL CHENNAITO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE  2262INFO RUCNCLS/ALL SOUTH AND CENTRAL ASIA COLLECTIVERUEHBJ/AMEMBASSY  BEIJING 0237RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 0218RUEHOT/AMEMBASSY OTTAWA  0225RUEHFR/AMEMBASSY PARIS 0150RUEHKO/AMEMBASSY TOKYO 0152RUEHBS/USEU  BRUSSELSRUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDCRUEAIIA/CIA WASHDCRHEHNSC/NSC  WASHDCRUEIDN/DNI WASHINGTON DCRHHMUNA/HQ USPACOM HONOLULU  HIRUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHDCRHMFISS/HQ USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL" "C O N F  I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 04 CHENNAI 000144 
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E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/13/2019 TAGS: PREL, PGOV, PHUM, KDEM, IN SUBJECT: BHARAT BALLOT O9: CASH FOR VOTES IN SOUTH INDIA 
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Classified By: Acting Principal Officer J. Frederick Kaplan for reasons 1.4 (B, D) 
 Refs: A) Chennai 011 B) 2007 Chennai 337 
1. (C) Summary: Bribes from political parties to voters, in the form of  cash, goods, or services, are a regular feature of elections in South  India. Poor voters expect bribes from political candidates, and  candidates find various ways to satisfy voter expectations. From paying  to dig a community well to slipping cash into an envelope delivered  inside the morning newspaper, politicians and their operatives admitted  to violating election rules to influence voters. The money to pay the  bribes comes from the proceeds of fundraising, which often crosses into  political corruption. Although the precise impact of bribery on voter  behavior is hard to measure, it no doubt swings at least some elections,  especially the close races. End summary. 
2. (C) The subject of politicians bribing voters, with either cash or  gifts, was a recurring theme in the course of covering the 2009 election  campaigns in South India. Wherever we went, journalists, politicians,  and voters spoke of the bribes as a commonly accepted fact of the  election process. Political insiders, and in some instances candidates  themselves, admitted to us that candidates regularly violate India's  election rules in the course of campaigning for office. This cable  examines methods by which political parties bribe voters and how those  bribes affect elections in India. 
 Poor voters expect cash 
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3. (SBU) In visits to slums in Chennai and Hyderabad we learned that  poor urban voters expect political parties to pay come election time. A  DMK political strategist told us slums are critical to a campaign  because their population density and poverty allows them to be more  ""easily mobilized"" by bribes. Representatives of an NGO that works in  Chennai's slums told us that the two main political parties in Tamil  Nadu -- the DMK and AIADMK - regularly bribe voters. They described a  sophisticated operation used to distribute the cash. According to an NGO  representative, in the weeks before the elections, ""agents of the  parties come to the neighborhood with cash carried in rice sacks. They  have copies of the voter lists and they distribute the money based on  who is on the list."" The agents come in the middle of the night,  ""between two and four in the morning, when the Election Commission is  asleep."" A neighborhood resident confirmed this version of events,  noting that in the 2004 election each family got 500 rupees for their  vote. (Note: The residents of this slum reported that they earned around  4000 rupees a month working as day laborers. End note.) In a Hyderabad  slum voters we talked with three weeks before voting told us that they  were expecting candidates' representatives to pay them a visit soon.  ""We'll see what they offer, and then we'll decide,"" said one man who  spoke for the group. 
4. (C) Rural voters also expect candidates to deliver goods in exchange  for votes. Home Minister P. Chidambaram's son, Karti Chidambaram, who is  managing his father's campaign for the Lok Sabha seat from Sivaganga,  Tamil Nadu, told us that ""every village leader asks for two things:  some money for the local temple and a community hall."" Chidambaram went  on to say that it is impossible to fulfill every such request, but that  he does give ""a few sops"" to villages that might be on the fence  about supporting his father. He specifically denied paying cash for  votes, but not because of any moral objection to doing so. According to  Chidambaram, he does not pay cash for votes in his rural constituency  because it is impossible to distribute the money effectively when the  villages are spread so far apart. But the President of the Tamil Nadu  Youth Congress told us that he had just visited Chidambaram and said,  ""Karti is doing a good job in Sivaganga. He is distributing some money  to the people, which his father won't do."" 
 Member of Parliament admits to bribing constituents 
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5. (C) Assaduddin Owaisi, a sitting Member of Parliament and leader of  the Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (MIM) party, was surprisingly candid.  Owaisi explained to us the ins-and-outs of campaigning over a late  dinner after spending a long day on the trail. He said that 
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during the campaign he tries to cover every street in his urban  constituency in Hyderabad's Old City, visiting people at their homes and  businesses. As he walks the neighborhood, he said, people regularly  appeal to him for small favors. One community's leaders asked Owaisi  that day to dig them a well. ""So I sent one of my party men back later  in the day,"" he explained, ""to give them 25,000 rupees (approximately  500 USD)."" 
Owaisi emphasized that he does not give cash directly to  voters, but rather funds worthy requests: ""If they want a well, I give  them the money, but make sure they use it for the well."" On the same  day, he also told us that he had paid 35,000 rupees (700 USD) to pay for  the marriage of an orphaned girl. Owaisi contrasted his practice of  funding projects for the community's benefit with the Congress and  Telugu Desam parties, which Owaisi said pay money to individual voters. 
6. (C) We asked Owaisi point blank whether it was against the law for  him to pay for the well and the marriage. Owaisi laughed and said, ""Of  course, but that's the great thing about democracy."" He went on to  describe the legal spending limit of 2.5 million rupees (50,000 USD) as  ""a joke,"" noting that he would spend 2.5 million rupees on ""polling  day alone."" 
Karunanidhi's son runs for parliament 
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7. (C) On a recent trip to Madurai in southern Tamil Nadu virtually  every conversation centered on the parliamentary candidacy of M.K.  Azhagiri, son of the M.K. Karunanidhi, Tamil Nadu's Chief Minister and  head of the DMK party. Azhagiri's control of the DMK's south Tamil Nadu  operation has earned him a reputation for political thuggery. He was  recently acquitted in the case of the 2003 murder of one of his  political rivals, though critics argued that the trial, held in Tamil  Nadu, could not be impartial with Azhagiri's father as the state's Chief  Minister. In 2007, Azhagiri's supporters burned down a newspaper office  in Madurai, killing three people, after the paper published a poll that  Azhagiri was a distant second choice to his brother among DMK  supporters as successor to Karunanidhi (ref B). 
 By-election sets the stage 
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8. (C) After long relying on political muscle to enforce his will in  Madurai, Azhagiri has added money to his arsenal and is using it to a  degree previously unseen in Tamil Nadu. Azhagiri's approach debuted in  the January assembly by-election held in Thirumangalam near Madurai,  which he managed for the DMK. This race was marked by unprecedented  bribes to voters (ref A). M. Patturajan, the former Mayor of Madurai and  a confidant of Azhagiri, told us that ""it is no secret at all,  Azhagiri paid 5,000 rupees (approximately USD 100) per voter in  Thirumangalam."" S. Kannan, a mid-level Congress party official in  Madurai, told us ""the 5,000 rupees per voter in Thirumangalam changed  everything,"" noting that previous bribes to voters had topped out at  500 rupees. S. Annamalai, Madurai editor of The Hindu, also confirmed  the 5,000 rupee figure, telling us that all of his employees who live in  Thirumangalam received the money. 
 Can I get another morning paper? 
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9. (C) The Thirumangalam campaign that Azhagiri ran for the DMK was  notable for how the money was distributed, in addition to the amount  distributed. Rather than using the traditional practice of handing cash  to voters in the middle of the night, in Thirumangalam the DMK  distributed money to every person on the voting roll in envelopes  inserted in their morning newspapers. In addition to the money, the  envelopes contained the DMK ""voting slip"" which instructed the  recipient for whom they should vote. Annamalai pointed out that  distributing the money with the newspapers forced everyone to receive  the bribe. ""This way makes it impossible to refuse the money,""  Annamalai noted. Patturajan confirmed the newspaper distribution, but  questioned its efficiency. He pointed out that giving bribes to every  voter wasted money on committed anti-DMK voters, but conceded that it  was an effective way to ensure the bribes reached every potential  persuadable voter. 
 Applying Thirumangalam to a parliamentary race 
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10. (C) Patturajan and others pointed out that the larger size of a  parliamentary constituency makes it difficult 
to apply the Thirumangalam  approach. The Thirumangalam contest concerned a single assembly seat,  which is about one-seventh the size of a parliamentary district. A  journalist for Thuglak, a Tamil weekly, confirmed that the Madurai  parliamentary constituency has approximately one million voters. It  would cost Azhagiri $100 million USD to replicate the Thirumangalam  payment of $100 USD to each voter in the Madurai constituency, which is  ""impossible"" according to Patturajan. As a result, Azhagiri has been  forced to ratchet the payment back down to more typical levels, but he  still plans on giving it to every voter through the newspaper  distribution method. The journalist said that he had personally seen  some of the one million envelopes that the DMK had prepared for the  Madurai race, each of which contained a 500 rupee (10 USD) note. The  journalist told us that Azhagiri wanted to double the amount to 1000  rupees (20 USD) per voter, but the DMK leadership was reluctant to  commit 20 million USD to one parliamentary race. A week after we met  with the journalist, newspapers reported that DMK officials were handing  out envelopes with 500 rupees to voters. 
 Does vote-buying work? 
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11. (C) Although our interlocutors agreed that paying cash influences  voter behavior, they disagreed on the extent to which it did. We  consistently probed why parties trust people to cast their vote for the  candidate who pays them in light of the fact that there is no way to  confirm that an individual voter actually ""honors the deal.""  Patturajan of the DMK said voters who take money feel ""honor bound"" to  vote for the candidate. Kannan, the Congress official from Madurai,  agreed that cultural norms ensure that poor voters in particular will  feel obligated to vote for the candidate from whom they accept money. He  said candidates play to religious sentiments and traditional beliefs to  ensure bribed voters hold up their end of the bargain. 
12. (C) Annamalai of The Hindu argued that many voters ""will  still vote their conscience."" He said voters find the bribes  ""insulting,"" and they vote against the candidate even though they are  forced to take the money as it is left on their doorstep. He cited his  own staff as an example, noting that the ones who received money during  the Thirumangalam by-election pooled it together to donate to a  scholarship fund for a poor student but largely voted against the DMK  candidate. Annamalai's view, however, is likely limited to the largely  middle- and upper-class readership of his English-language newspaper. 
13. (C) Karti Chidambaram said that bribes are useful but not necessary  to political success. He said that bribes are one factor among many,  along with the quality of the candidate, the strength of the party, and  the issues. But he cautioned that bribes alone will not prevail: ""Anil  Ambani (an Indian billionaire who is one of the world's richest men)  can't win an election just by paying people off. It doesn't work that  way."" Chidambaram said that candidates need a strong party apparatus in  order to win elections, but that ""bribes can help put you over the  top"" in a close race. 
 Diminishing returns due to bribe inflation? 
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14. (C) The DMK's decision to field Azhagiri for the Madurai  parliamentary seat has raised voter expectations. Congress's Kannan said  that 110,000 people signed up for voter identification cards after he  announced his candidacy, presumably motivated by their desire to get  Azhagiri's bribe by putting their names on the voting rolls. Patturajan  said that Azhagiri's presence on the ballot had ""raised expectations""  with people expecting to get the same 5,000 rupees per vote offered in  Thirumangalam. He said that his dhobi (clothes washer) told him, ""I  have five votes in my family, so I should get 25,000 which will pay for  my daughter's marriage."" When Patturajan told the dhobi that the DMK  would not be paying 5,000 per voter this time around, the dhobi replied  that he would vote for Azhagiri (presumably keeping in mind Patturajan's  relationship with Azhagiri) regardless of the amount offered, but that  ""most people will hesitate if the DMK only gives 1,000."" Patturajan  conceded that he was concerned that the DMK could be harmed by its  failure to meet the expectations created by the extraordinarily large  Thirumangalam 
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bribes. But he remained optimistic, arguing that Azhagiri will still  prevail by paying more money to more voters than his opponent, who is  from the more law-abiding Communist Party of India. 
 Where's the money come from? Corruption and corporates... 
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15. (C) The money required to pay bribes comes from a variety of  sources, primarily from the proceeds of corruption and from funds the  parties raise from businesses. Corruption, according to interlocutors,  is a major source of funds for political parties who are in power. ""The  DMK can try to buy elections because it has spent years in power in  Delhi and Chennai,"" said one journalist. In addition to corruption,  backers in the business community regularly fund political parties'  election activities. Ravi Sam, Managing Director of Adwaith Lakshmi  Industries, Inc., a major textile manufacturer in Coimbatore, Tamil  Nadu, told us that he had been avoiding visiting Chennai as of late.  ""It is the season for the political parties to come looking for  donations,"" he said. But, Sam said, ""There is no avoiding it in the  end,"" and each party gets its ""package"" depending on its place in the  hierarchy. Another entrepreneur echoed Sam's comments, telling us that  even in a one-party town like Azhagiri's Madurai, business people hedge  their bets by contributing to multiple political parties. 
Cash for votes a way of political life 
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16. (C) Comment: Among the many factors -- personalities, alliances,  caste, and religion, to name just a few -- that play out in Indian  elections, the role of money is one of the most difficult to analyze.  Observers and participants see bribery as a fact of life in India's  elections. But the methods used and the degree to which they impact  voter preferences are, by their very nature, hard to assess, especially  for outsiders. That said, our experience in South India suggests that  the practice of paying cash for votes is widespread and that it is  likely to swing elections, especially close contests, given India's  predominately poor electorate. The influence of the many other factors  makes it impossible for a political party to ""buy"" all of the seats in  play in any election, but cases like the Thirumangalam by-election and  Azhagiri's run for parliament show that voter bribery will no doubt have  an impact on the results of India's elections when they are announced  on May 16. End comment. 
KAPLAN 
 http://www.thehindu.com/news/the-india-cables/article1541385.ece
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